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Kruger, Roanize --- "Feeding Cities Of The Future: The Case For Urban Agriculture" [2019] UNSWLawJlStuS 3; (2019) UNSWLJ Student Series No 19-03


FEEDING CITIES OF THE FUTURE: THE CASE FOR URBAN AGRICULTURE

ROANIZE KRUGER

I INTRODUCTION

Agriculture within urban areas and its fringes has been practiced for centuries, although the concept of ‘Urban Agriculture’ (‘UA’) is relatively new and a growing phenomenon in response to increasing global pressures.[1] It is connected with the re-engagement of younger demographics in green areas and food production and is thought to be a fundamental element of the future of sustainability in our cities.[2] This essay will examine the environmental and technological benefits of UA, as well as the positive social and economic outcomes that increased access to fresh food and engagement with one’s food supply can have; whilst recognising that realistically, limitations to fully fledged self-sustaining cities will continue to exist. This essay will also address some of the challenges for implementing UA projects, mainly around the issue of access to land in dense cities and the lack of clear policy. These points will be discussed in light of the processes of urbanisation within Sydney and London, making reference to case studies within each city.

Before any substantive discussion, it is important to understand the role of UA in context. Food and water are our biggest needs for survival. Approximately 68% of the global population will be living in an urban environment by 2050,[3] and the FAO expect the global population to have exceeded 9 billion by that point.[4] This means our food production also has to increase by 70%.[5] More recent research into the impacts of climate change has demonstrated that there are extreme risks to health, food security and water supply with an increase in global temperature of only 1.5°C, including major reductions in the yields of staple crops such as maize, rice and wheat.[6] This is largely due to the risk of extreme weather events, the unsuitability of crops to higher temperatures and the “climate change induced stress” on water supplies.[7] There is clearly a need to develop new innovative and alternative methods, both to reduce the environmental impact of modern commercial farming, and to ensure food security for the future. Importantly, UA plays a key role in re-connecting individuals with food production, so that they can better understand the impact of food wastage and meat consumption within the climate change picture.

A Defining UA

There are a variety of definitions given to UA in planning and other literature. For example, it could include community gardens, residential micro-farming, institutional gardens, small scale commercial farming, rooftop gardens, greenhouses, green walls, vertical, hydroponic or aquaponics farms, urban bee keeping and animal husbandry. For the purposes of this essay, I will focus mainly on food plant cultivation or horticulture in contexts extending beyond hobbyist community gardens to larger scale commercial urban farm projects with some sort of profitable or productive enterprise. Whilst community gardens play important social roles, this essay aims to explore whether traditional food supply chains can be disrupted en masse. I am of the view that commercial UA ventures may potentially present a stronger case to policy makers to invest resources and infrastructure where such projects become hubs not just for social, but also economic activity. This essay will contrast UA with the notion of “modern agriculture” or “modern food supply chains”, which means the widespread practice of large scale outdoor or open field agriculture, where food is transported long distances before reaching the consumer, often through a supermarket.

II URBANISATION AND THE HISTORY OF AGRICULTURE IN SYDNEY AND LONDON

Agriculture as a dominant form of land use has been eroded from cities’ cultural identities for a number of reasons, including urbanization, de-centralisation of food chains, market economics and new non-seasonal eating behaviours.[8] Before an analysis of the benefits and challenges of UA can be undertaken within Sydney and London, it is helpful to understand some of the histories of urbanisation in those cities and the changing face of agriculture.

A Sydney, Australia

Sydney has been said to be an ‘accidental city’ in the sense that its development was not guided by a plan from the outset.[9] However, that does not mean that Sydney was not determined by the need for food and water; early Governors had a vision of an agrarian civil society following settlement.[10] Governor Phillip set up the first farm at Farm Cove near Port Jackson, but the colony’s inexperience with farming and the sandy soil meant early crops failed. This led to the establishment of farms on the alluvial plains along the Parramatta, Nepean and Hawkesbury Rivers, where the colony took advantage of fertile soil and microclimates. In 1779, James Ruse cultivated the first successful wheat harvest in NSW, and received the first land grant at Rose Hill which became known as ‘Experiment Farm’. Private land grants were subsequently made to free settlers, soldiers and the former convicts, which required the grantee to live on and cultivate the land predominantly for subsistence. In 1810, Governor Macquarie proclaimed five towns along the Hawkesbury-Nepean in order to establish some infrastructure for the surrounding farm lands so that Sydney would have secure food supply.[11] During the 1900s, and in the absense of allocated public land use for urban farming, agricultural practices were largely adopted in private backyards.[12] This was possible due to large lot sizes – the ‘quarter acre block’ – that defined suburbanism in Sydney.[13] Backyard farming was further spurred on by the Commonwealth Department of Commerce and Agriculture’s Grow Your Own campaign during the war, which propagandised gardening as a means to “Feed the Allies”. So in these early years, Sydney’s cultural identity was in a large part agricultural.

However, that identity has shifted with the rapid expansion of Sydney. Despite the Government’s best efforts to consolidate our city, it has seen significant ongoing sprawl since widespread ownership of the private car. Even since the 1940s, the “rolling waves of urbanisation” started to consume farm land on the urban fringes of Sydney, with many post-war immigrants capitalising by selling their semi-rural lots to developers.[14] The mentality that “there is no place for agriculture in the Sydney region”, that such land is “awaiting greater economic development” and that “agriculture belongs over the Great Dividing Range” has permeated political agendas.[15] Whilst the Cumberland Plan of 1948 recognised that a greenbelt was necessary through land use categories and the establishment of non-urban and urban zones,[16] this was lost in subsequent policies due to the pressures of housing and the demands of developers.[17] Today, there is major encroachment on peri-urban agriculture as Sydney rapidly expands outwards and sterilizes agricultural land creating especially great concern over the loss of that scarce arable land that once sustained the colonies.[18] The Greater Sydney Region Plan has directly allowed for this,[19] where entire new suburbs are being established on land once zoned for agricultural purposes.

Moreover, after “consistent state policies of urban consolidation”, large blocks of land have increasingly become subject to subdivision as new developments are retrofitted in Sydney’s existing footprint.[20] Medium and high density developments have become more commonplace, with new property titles in Australia predominantly consisting of strata and community title.[21] As a result, individuals have less access to green spaces or alternatively, must share such space, meaning they are increasingly regulated by by-laws or restrictive covenants.

It is clear that market forces, through economic rationalist principles of land use, have governed our more recent land policy to our detriment,[22] and the role of agriculture in Sydney’s identity has somewhat diminished. From a neo-liberalist perspective, this is arguably expected, where land used for farming is highly suitable for development having already been cleared,[23] and the need for housing a growing population is unavoidable. However, our zoning laws and planning controls have been short-sighted in relation to the pressures that cities will face in the future. As Mok et el contemplate, “the prospect of shrinking agricultural land near cities is alarming considering the need to maintain food security for growing populations”.[24] The Garnaut Review estimated that in the next few decades in Australia, the major impacts of climate change are likely to include stressed urban water supply and an impact on agriculture due to changes in temperature and water availability.[25] It further estimated that by 2050, there will be major declines in our current agricultural production, with flow-on effects on trade where 60% of our production is currently exported.[26] The question thus arises as to what role UA has in a city like Sydney.

1 Case Study 1: Pocket City Farm, Camperdown Commons, Sydney

That question can be answered when we look at UA ventures that have already been established. Pocket City Farm, which opened in 2016 at Camperdown Commons, is a chemical-free farm located on the previously abandoned Camperdown Bowling Club, and is a prime example of how an unused space and damaged ecosystem can be restored for productive use. It is estimated that there are around 100 lawn bowl clubs in Sydney, but many are closing down or falling into disrepair due to the aging demographic that utilise the space.[27] Such disused areas are therefore prime candidates for UA, as Bell & Cerulli state that

“gardening and agriculture can transform derelict and abandoned blocks of land from dumping grounds ... to productive community meeting places in urban neighbourhoods.”[28]

The former greens were converted into 1200m2 of market garden for vegetables, herbs and salad greens, as well as hosting a greenhouse for growing seedlings to plant in the garden and to sell to the public. There is a composting unit, which recycles the food scraps from the restaurants and cafes the produce is supplied to, drastically reducing food waste where the compost is returned to the topsoil of the farm. The produce is sold to several local restaurants in the inner west and direct to the local community, who are also able to visit the farm to volunteer, participate in composting workshops and learn about sustainable food production. Such education is invaluable to re-engage individuals in their food chains and to change perceptions around UA. Mason and Knowd point out the pertinent irony that just as Sydney’s once “cornucopic food system is under threat ... awareness of linking health and well-being to fresh local food is rising sharply,” and consumers are increasingly interested in where their food comes from.[29] UA in Sydney has thus re-emerged, and is becoming an important part of Sydney’s culture and future.[30]

B London, United Kingdom

London is arguably the oldest urbanised city with the longest history of UA. The city has numerous allotments, community and private gardens and expansive public parks, largely due to historical planning policies. The utopian garden city movement, introduced by Ebenezer Howard, catalysed the idea that residential areas, industry and agriculture should be proportionately balanced, so that community residents had easily accessible “greenbelts”.[31] Whilst only two such cities were ever built, it altered planning psyche and today green areas are plenty in London’s Squares. Allotments are arguably the most common form of urban agriculture in London, and first appeared in Elizabethan times as small low-rent allocations of land to keep peasants from revolt who had nowhere to cultivate their own food amongst the manors of aristocratic landlords. With the influx of populations to the cities during the Industrial Revolution, further allotments were made to displaced workers from rural areas in order to mitigate the loss of farming skills and the effects of poverty.[32] Land was allocated to working families instead of the provision of welfare support.[33] WWII also increased attention on local food production, where any available land needed to be used to compensate for the loss of food imports,[34] and thus the Government launched its Dig for Victory campaign in 1939.[35] During the war, allotments were responsible for approximately half of the UK’s fruit and vegetables and contributed to basic food security during the Great Depression.[36] London also had notable market gardens since the 18th Century, with the glasshouses on the fertile soils of the north-east Lea Valley supplying the markets of London.

Unfortunately, as with Sydney, urban farmlands have greatly reduced in number and size. Despite their significant historical role, many allotments have since been resumed for residential and industrial developments, and the number of allotments sites are still decreasing.[37] Today, the area of land occupied by the Lea Valley glasshouses are the smallest to date, although productivity has greatly increased due to new hydroponic technologies.[38] Lands on the urban fringes are also experiencing a new phenomenon known as “hope value”, where owners allow lots to become derelict in the hopes that the land would be rezoned for more lucrative high density developments.[39] Thus, commercial farms account for most of the food produced in London today,[40] and in the year 2000, the UK already had an ecological footprint larger than its entire land mass.[41] Food production is responsible for an estimated 30% of the UK’s overall consumption related Greenhouse Gas emissions,[42] and around 70% of food consumed each year is purchased from a supermarket.[43] Britain’s food is largely imported; over 20% of vegetables and 86% of fruit.[44] So it is unsurprising that food security is particularly topical in a climate riddled with uncertainty over ‘Brexit’, where trade relationships have soured and the cost of food is likely to increase dramatically.[45] A major restructuring of agricultural thinking may need to occur as the country works through these issues. At present, the Mayor of London has the responsibility for the direction of urban agriculture into the future. The Mayor’s foreword in the 2018 draft London Food Strategy envisions “every Londoner to have access to healthy, affordable, culturally-appropriate good food – regardless of where they live, their personal circumstances or income,” by creating “decent jobs and a sustainable food system”.[46] The strategy also recognises that greening cities “can bring high street back to life, protect the environment, boost tourism and attract inward investment.”[47]

1 Case Study 2: Growing Communities, Hackney and Dagenham, London

Growing Communities is a community-led initiative in London, and is a multi-faceted approach to urban agriculture, much like Sydney’s Pocket City Farm. Part of the business is an organic fruit and vegetable bag scheme, by which consumers can order fresh produce online and have it delivered to a collection point. They are effectively reclaiming food systems from big supermarkets and agribusiness – a part of their ethos – which will be discussed shortly. A regular farmers’ market hosted by the organisation ensures direct access to fresh, low carbon, organic produce, creating jobs, enabling direct interaction between grower and buyer and fostering a strong sense of community.

All produce is sourced seasonally from small organic farms within London and its fringes, ensuring local farmers are kept in business, and some is grown on Growing Communities’ own farms. At Hackney, salad greens are grown on Patchwork Farm which consists of a number of small market gardens and patches on estates, church lands and private gardens. It is interesting how this piecemeal approach, making use of whatever land is available, overcomes issues of access to land that we will discuss later. The farm at Dagenham is a much larger site that was previously used as a Council nursery, and grows a diverse range of seasonal produce in glasshouses, polytunnels and outdoors. In spring, leeks, spinach and other greens are grown, whilst in summer and autumn, salad greens, tomatoes, chillies, cucumbers, eggplants, squashes, beans, zucchinis, strawberries and melons are harvested. The farm also hosts the ‘Grown in Dagenham’ program, which trains local residents to develop skills in food growing and preparation and educates individuals in the origins of their food where community members are welcomed to volunteer at the farm weekly. Five tonnes of fresh fruit and vegetables are sold each year, and the project is therefore a testament to the fact that there is a viable market for food production in and around the city.

2 Case Study 3: Growing Underground Project, Clapham, London

Due to the diversity of UA projects in London, one that is particularly innovative and technology-driven has also been included. The Growing Underground Project is located in an unused airraid shelter beneath the streets of Clapham, in two tunnels which were supposed to link up with the London Underground but remained unused after the war. They provide about 6000m2 of growing space in which a variety of microherbs such as broccoli, coriander and fennel are grown using hydroponics and light emitting diodes, with automated multi-tier growing systems. Their process involves the early harvest of the first leaves, resulting in time efficient and high yielding crops. The hydroponic system uses 70% less water than open-field agriculture, and can control climate so that weather or seasons are not a detrimental factor. All energy required is powered by renewable sources including wind, solar and some hydro. Interestingly, plants are ideal candidates for solar energy, requiring darkness when the sun is down. Instead of soil, the vegetables are grown pesticide free in nutrient water solutions in a closed loop system to reduce waste. The produce is then packaged on site, and transported less than a mile to New Convent Garden, which is London’s largest wholesale fresh produce market, to be distributed directly to local London hotels, restaurants and retailers.

III BENEFITS OF UA

The importance of green spaces, including for UA, should not be underestimated.[48] The localisation of food production has both environmental and technological benefits, as well as positive social and economic by-products. These will be discussed with reference to the case studies.

A Environmental and Technological

Modern agricultural practices have been a major contributor to climate change as a source of greenhouse gas emissions from livestock, the use of fossil fuels and the production of fertilizers.[49] The IPCC report on climate change specifically noted the need to reduce nitrous oxide and methane and presents pathways by which the global temperature increase can be mitigated to stay below 2°C. These mainly involve reforestation, afforestation and shifts to bioenergy supplies, meaning a transition away from large agricultural production and common eating habits,[50] such as excessive meat consumption. UA and increased greenery in cities may also assist in cooling cities amid rising global temperatures,[51] and cleaning polluted air. This essay is of the view that a diversion of some production to shortened UA supply chains would greatly assist to ensure food security, in light of climate change, into the future.

As a result of globalisation and international and interstate trade, our food often travels long distances before reaching consumers, a concept often referred to as “food miles”.[52] A study of lettuce production in the Sydney Basin found that for fresh perishable vegetable products, food miles were in fact significant.[53] Better outcomes were achieved across a range of environmental indicators for local commercial farms as compared with larger interstate operations, mainly due to post-harvest activities including packaging and the distance the food items had to travel. Similarly, in a study in the UK, which compared crops of a community farm in the London Borough of Sutton with the same supermarket commodities in a conventional food supply system, for most commodities, the process of production to the point of retail for community farm produce resulted in less emissions.[54] However, it is important to note that the study also found that particular crops, such as strawberries grown in polytunnels, did not result in a net reduction of Greenhouse Gas emissions, demonstrating a need for careful selection of crops to maximise environmental benefits. Nonetheless, the proximity of both Pocket City Farm and the Growing Communities network to consumers means fresher food, and less packaging, refrigeration and fossil fuel consumption. The Growing Underground Project estimates that their microherbs can be in the consumer’s kitchen within 4 hours of being picked and packed due to the reduction in food miles. This is demonstrated in comparison with the modern food supply chain, depicted in the diagram below, where outputs at each step can drastically be reduced or eliminated.

Furthermore, UA assists in the reduction of food waste and excessive meat consumption, which are both indirect but key contributors to our Greenhouse Gas emissions, by educating consumers on the environmental aspects of their food.[55] Meat consumption can be reduced where consumers understand the impact of livestock on soil and methane production. Where it is not viable to keep large amounts of stock on urban lands, plants rich in protein can be cultivated instead. Due to the smaller scale of UA compared to industrial farming, supply and demand are more proportionate,[56] and thus less produce is left to perish. Any scraps or leftovers can easily be composted back into the system, as is the case in Pocket City Farms and Growing Communities.

2019_300.jpg

UA is also a key driver of technological innovation.[57] Agriculture is being transformed by futuristic vertical farms that are able to produce high yields using renewable energy, often located within, on top of or beneath already existing urban infrastructure. The Growing Underground Project is a prime example of how subterranean space is being used efficiently. That project is also serving as a hub for innovation where data relating to artificially produced climates is shared with the University of Nottingham’s Centre for Urban Agriculture. Another approach that has been developed is building-integrated agriculture in which greenhouses are hosted on the rooftops of buildings to make use of various synergies between urban buildings and food production. Further, aquaponics, in which fish and plants are cultivated in a closed loop system, ensure the recycling of wastes. Through experimentation and new innovations, UA can essentially be a zero-acreage endeavour, such that our food production takes a lesser toll on our land.

B Social and Economic

The globalisation of food supplies and the emergence of supermarket conglomerates during the later parts of the 20th Century has severed the direct relationship between people, farmers and the production of food. Many social and environmental benefits of this relationship have been exchanged for the convenience of supermarket shopping,[58] causing a loss in collective memory of food production.[59] In fact, there has been a loss of skills as essential and simple as how to cook a healthy meal; only 54% of children aged 7-15 in the UK knew how to boil an egg.[60] The normalisation of processed foods and ready-made meals during the 60s, 70s and 80s has exacerbated this issue. Fortunately, in the face of our environmental pressures, individuals are increasingly becoming re-engaged with how and where food is produced. Education and knowledge sharing, through projects such as Pocket City Farm and Growing Communities is essential to reshaping food thinking, and garnering social awareness of environmental issues.[61]

UA can lead to more socially resilient communities as it ensures that otherwise unused space is productively used, allows increased access to green space, provides opportunities for community members to engage in farming as a leisure activity, and fosters community interaction.[62] Social ecological theories of resilience, which observe features such as diversity, adaptive learning and feedback,[63] are readily demonstrated in UA projects, through the interaction between a variety of cultures and age groups. Whilst the older generation can share knowledge and experience, younger generations provide the capacity for labour, and the range of foodstuffs enjoyed by multiculturalism ensures plant diversity.[64] Studies have demonstrated the positive outcomes that UA has for reducing social isolation and improving mental health, not only because of the peaceful natural setting created, but due also to the better nutrition and physical activity involved in gardening.[65]

Moreover, communities surrounding urban farm projects benefit economically in both direct and indirect ways. UA initiatives equip individuals with new skills for productivity and employability, and also creates new jobs where gardens are run profitably. Where individuals gain knowledge and experience in sustainable agriculture, business management and marketing through their training and involvement in UA, projects can become incubators for new businesses and entrepreneurship.[66] In this sense, a primary strength of both Pocket City Farm and Growing Communities is that they are run to be for-profit and integrate workshop strategies. Additionally, UA ensures market expansion for farmers. Local food production is incentivised by the low risk nature and flexibility of farmers’ markets, the development of a committed customer base, and greater profits derived from direct sales as opposed to the wholesale strategies of industrial farming.[67] This injects wealth back into local farms, and away from supermarket conglomerates.

Additionally, the greening of cities improves visual aesthetics, where satisfaction with one’s surroundings is a key part of mental and social health,[68] and escalates the property value of an area. Some types of UA have often been criticised for lacking aesthetic quality due to seasonality, messiness, the temporariness of some gardens, or a ‘make-do’ culture.[69] To the contrary, what remediating and restorative UA projects like Pocket City Farm demonstrate, is that some landscape architecture and contemporary design can create visually appealing environments and transform cities to be vibrant and diverse meeting grounds. Where farms exist not just for food growing, but are integrated within a hub of shops, restaurants, workshops and studios, such as at Camperdown Commons, they can become treasured and integral parts of a community. There are some arguments that improved aesthetics may lead to the gentrification and cultural change of a neighbourhood and thereby attract more affluent demographics, locking out those who may need UA most.[70] However, cities never remain stationary; in high density areas change is constant and gentrification inevitable, where access to green space will always be more beneficial than the alternative.

IV CHALLENGES FOR UA

The challenges of UA have been broken up into three categories: site, government and perception.[71] Site obstacles relate to the physical attributes of the land; government challenges involve issues of policy and planning; and perception is largely about how communities interact with food production.

A Site Challenges

We seem to hold on to the notion that food comes from the land. However, as we will discuss, there is a growing shift in thinking that food cannot keep coming from the land, mainly because we have used it all up.[72] There is a need to grow more food on the same or less amount of land, as land availability is a premium and freehold title unaffordable. A key challenge for UA is therefore security of tenure, with the root of the issue residing in the fact that land needed for UA is either within the control of private owners, or the public agencies entrusted with land view UA land use as transient.[73] The economically lucrative nature of high density developments means that those wanting to use the little undeveloped or unused space in our cities must compete against higher value land use tenders. For example, the disused Drummoyne Bowling Club, which would have been an ideal UA or green space, was sold for medium to high density development pending rezoning of the land. The Maroubra Beach Bowling Club is also a site of contention.

In lieu of freehold tenure, many urban projects operate on council owned or public land, where a key downside to this arrangement is that rights might easily be revocable or lost. In the UK, statutory allotments have been protected in UK legislation since the 20th century,[74] and remain highly regulated where they generally cannot be sold or used for other purposes without consent. Sydney has a lot to learn from this model where we lack allocated public land for cultivation. But there are two other types of land tenure applicable to allotments, that is, temporary allotments and allotments on private lands. The former are located on council lands that have been allocated for other future uses, and therefore have very little security in tenure. Such allotments are made by boroughs in the UK to fulfil certain obligations under the Small Holdings and Allotments Act 1908 to provide a certain amount of land proportionate to the number of their residents, although inner city boroughs are generally exempt.[75] Allotments on private land also have uncertain legal status, where private property rights can easily be exercised to revoke licence-type arrangements. Sydney is comparable where rights are predominantly determined by local councils.

A further site challenge, which is more within the environmental sphere of UA, is that of soil contamination and air pollution. As urban land has been subject to a variety of uses over centuries, including industrious or residential uses involving pollutants, the toxicity of a particular site may be an obstacle to UA. Brownfields sites such as Breakfast Point in Sydney are therefore ill-suited to inner-city production. As another example, at Sydney’s Barangaroo, contamination remains from the former Miller’s Point Gasworks and landfill, which arguably makes the new green space at Barangaroo Reserve potentially unsuitable for any sort of future community food cultivation for health and safety reasons. The Barangaroo Delivery Authority is currently involved in remediation works around the area, including extensive soil investigation, health assessments, and development approvals. Such works are expensive and time consuming, and unless they are of Governmental interest to attract funding, many unused lots in cities may not be viably restored for UA. Where UA does exist, regular water and soil testing for pollutants such as lead may be necessary to ensure the safety of consumers.

B Government

Moreover, in relation to Government and policy, often the social and political dimensions of cities impact UA differently to rural farming because land use in cities is more varied. Most urban farmers will interact with the law at local level, at least in Sydney, where local governments develop guidelines around how to set up community gardens and Local Environmental Plans regulate zoning and development controls. In London, it is much the same with Boroughs who prepare prescribed documents such as a Core Strategy, a Proposals Map, Sustainable Community Strategy and Local Area Agreements. Obstacles at this level of government largely relate to policy and ideology, in that UA is a form of land use that is diametrically different to modern city life, and where there exists a valid economic question of whether it is the most efficient, highest and best use of city lands. This is largely due to economies of scale in which fragmented systems of agriculture are not seen to be economically efficient.[76] The need for investment in housing and city redevelopment is also legitimate, but has demanded too much attention in decades past to the detriment of green spaces.

At Federal and State level, Governments play a key role in the strategic implementation and integration of urban food production,[77] and to mitigate against the environmental consequences of urban sprawl. This essay is of the view that more targeted land-use policies and appropriate planning instruments are required to secure the future of urban and peri-urban agriculture in cities such as London and Sydney. In regards to funding, entrepreneurial ventures such as Pocket City Farms, Growing Communities and Growing Underground may tip the scales where social, economic and environmental benefits are intertwined, so that investments in new UA infrastructure and technologies are legitimised. In regards to Sydney, it has also been argued that financial subsidies are required to ensure UA continues to provide a buffer between cities and rural fire-dependent bushlands in the face of urban expansion, especially in light of the heightened risk of intense fires amid climate change.[78] Without these commitments, viable commercial UA may continue to be hindered.

C Perception

The final challenge that is notable for the purposes of this essay, are public perceptions of UA. There is a problematic notion that setting up UA is too difficult, where founders need to navigate various applicable regulations, including Local Environment Plans, contractual terms, strata by-laws and restrictive covenants. More broadly, there is a narrow understanding of the benefits of UA, and a misconception that a limited constituency for UA exists. Many have generalised UA as only being of interest to those who adopt “alternative lifestyles”. As with any change to traditional thinking, resistance at a policy level is manifest in the fear of potential consequences of disrupting traditional food production: such as job losses for industrial farmers, and the ethics of prioritising green space over other needed city infrastructure. This ignores the many benefits of UA previously outlined. And finally, there is still a large proportion of our society who are not educated on the need for UA to reduce the impacts of industrial food production and excessive meat consumption and the relationship between climate change and food. Thus, programs which provide education and awareness to citizens are vital.

V WEIGHING UP URBAN AGRICULTURE AND THE FUTURE

Whilst in a utopian world UA presents an ideal solution to sustainable and healthy future cities, it is important to recognise that there are inherent limitations. Cities, by definition, cannot be entirely self-sufficient due to the density in which people work and reside. Staple crops including rice, wheat and corn require large areas of land to grow to feed the world’s population, making them incompatible with limited urban space. In reality, cities will remain consumption centres within larger food networks. There are also some key disadvantages that can be related to UA that should be acknowledged. This includes the additional energy potentially required to grow produce in less favourable environments, the increased frequency of private car use where the density of cities is reduced, and the poorer economies of scale where food production is fragmented.[79]

Nonetheless, that does not mean that UA cannot form part of a multi-faceted approach to fresh food production. Increased localised production of fresh perishable foods can ensure the benefits of UA are maximised, whilst outsourcing to rural areas, interstate and overseas will inevitably continue as needed. Growing Communities has helpfully broken down food production into zones in London, a model suitable to most developed cities, especially Sydney. In this model, at least 60% of produce sourced is within a 100 mile or 160km radius of the city, and varieties of food are carefully, strategically and seasonally grown in areas most suitable. 5% of produce, consisting mainly of salads, leafy greens and fruit, is cultivated within the inner urban area.

So how can UA be better integrated in our cities? There are many strategies: for example, governments could incentivise private land owners to unlock their land through tax or other benefits, and could legislate so that all new rooftops in the city are required to be used for food production. As part of design guidelines, new developments could be required to meet green targets by implementing vertical growing techniques. Local Governments may also rethink how local sidewalks, median strips and public parks are productively used, and how UA can piggyback onto existing plans for green spaces. Unconventional areas, like St James Tunnels in Sydney may also become viable agricultural spaces with the right planning.

VI CONCLUSION

The many benefits associated with urban agriculture necessitate that cities, especially our own, integrate localised production in food and planning strategies for the future. Whilst cities will never be completely self-sufficient, cities should not, and in light of global pressures cannot, continue to be monster producers of waste. By intensifying production of fresh local food within a closed system of composted food waste, cities can benefit from greener spaces, cleaner air, better skilled and equipped communities, increased jobs, less social isolation and improved ecological footprints. Forward-thinking governments and institutions would be praised for recognising the complex needs of a growing population, by securing and incentivising urban farming through policy, research and funding. As we have seen from the case studies, innovative and inspiring urban projects are sowing the seeds for a greener future.


[1] Michael Hardman et al, ‘Urban agriculture: evaluating informal and formal practices’ (2018) 18(1) North West Geography 1, 1.

[2] Sarah Bell and Cristina Cerulli, ‘Emerging Community Food Production and Pathways For Urban Landscape Transitions’ (2012) 14(1) E:CO 31, 31.

[3] United Nations Department of Economics and Social Affairs, 2018 Revision of World Urbanization Prospects (2018) UNDESA <https://www.un.org/development/desa/publications/2018-revision-of-world-urbanization-prospects.html>.

[4] FAO, The Hague Conference on Agriculture, Food Security and Climate Change: Climate-smart agriculture. Policies, practices and financing for food security, adaptation and mitigation (2010) FAO <http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/user_upload/newsroom/docs/the-hague-conference-fao-paper.pdf>

[5] Ibid.

[6] Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, Global Warming of 1.5 °C Special Report, 6 October 2018, available at <http://report.ipcc.ch/sr15/pdf/sr15_spm_final.pdf> (accessed 26 October 2018).

[7] Ibid.

[8] David Mason and Ian Knowd, ‘The emergence of urban agriculture: Sydney, Australia’ (2010) 8(1)-(2) International Journal of Agricultural Sustainability 62,62.

[9] Richard Hu, ‘Shaping a global Sydney: the City of Sydney's planning transformation in the 1980s and 1990s’ (2012) 27(3) Planning Perspectives 347, 347.

[10] David Mason and Ian Knowd, ‘The emergence of urban agriculture: Sydney, Australia’ (2010) 8(1)-(2) International Journal of Agricultural Sustainability 62,63.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Cathy Sherry, ‘Allotments and kleingarten: Legal lessons Australia can glean from the European tradition of urban farming’ (Paper presented at Food Governance Conference, The University of Sydney, 1-4 November 2016).

[13] Graeme Davison, ‘The Past and Future of the Australian Suburb’ (2010) 31(2) Australian Planner 63.

[14] Ibid; (Rutherford et al., 1967, cited in Johnson et al., 1998; Kelleher, 2001) see in the Knowd article

[15] Royal Australian Planning Institute Conference at Penrith in Western Sydney in 1993; Hoi-Fei Mok et al, ‘Strawberry Fields Forever? Urban agriculture in developed countries: a review’ (2014) 34 Agron. Sustain. Dev 21, 33.

[16] David Mason and Ian Knowd, ‘The emergence of urban agriculture: Sydney, Australia’ (2010) 8(1)-(2) International Journal of Agricultural Sustainability 62,64.

[17] Lachlan Abercrombie, Metropolitan Planning for Sydney 1948-1988: Looking to the past to learn for the future (Thesis, Faculty of the Built Environment UNSW, 2008) 49.

[18] Sarah James and Phillip O’Neill, ‘Planning for Peri-urban Agriculture: a geographically-specific, evidence-based approach from Sydney’(2016) 47(2) Australian Geographer 179, 180.

[19] Greater Sydney Commission, ‘A Metropolis of Three Cities - Greater Sydney Region Plan’ (Policy Document, Greater Sydney Commission, March 2018) <https://www.greater.sydney/metropolis-of-three-cities>.

[20] Cathy Sherry, ‘Lessons in Personal Freedom and Functional Land Markets: What Strata and Community Title can Learn from Traditional Doctrines of Property’ [2013] UNSWLawJl 13; (2013) 36(1) UNSW Law Journal 280, 280.

[21] Ibid, 281.

[22] David Mason and Ian Knowd, ‘The emergence of urban agriculture: Sydney, Australia’ (2010) 8(1)-(2) International Journal of Agricultural Sustainability 62,64.

[23] Ibid.

[24] Hoi-Fei Mok et al, ‘Strawberry Fields Forever? Urban agriculture in developed countries: a review’ (2014) 34 Agron. Sustain. Dev 21, 22.

[25] Garnaut Climate Change Review, Final Report, 30 September 2008, Chapter 6, available at <http://www.garnautreview.org.au/CA25734E0016A131/pages/all-reports--resources.html> (accessed 23 September 2018).

[26] Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2012 Year Book of Australia - Farming in Australia 1301.0 <http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Lookup/by%20Subject/1301.0~2012~Main%20Features~Farming%20in%20Australia~207> .

[27] Sue Daniel, ‘Balmain Bowling Club faces an uncertain future as it heads towards 150th milestone’, ABC News (online), 5 July 2018 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-07-05/lawn-bowling-clubs-curious-sydney/9942596>.

[28] Sarah Bell and Cristina Cerulli, ‘Emerging Community Food Production and Pathways For Urban Landscape Transitions’ (2012) 14(1) E:CO 31, 31.

[29] David Mason and Ian Knowd, ‘The emergence of urban agriculture: Sydney, Australia’ (2010) 8(1)-(2) International Journal of Agricultural Sustainability 62, 65.

[30] Ibid, 62.

[31] Stephen Ward, ‘The garden city tradition re‐examined’ (1989) 4(3) Planning Perspectives 249, 252.

[32] Sarah Bell and Cristina Cerulli, ‘Emerging Community Food Production and Pathways For Urban Landscape Transitions’ (2012) 14(1) E:CO 31, 32.

[33] Ibid.

[34] Ibid.

[35] Hoi-Fei Mok et al, ‘Strawberry Fields Forever? Urban agriculture in developed countries: a review’ (2014) 34 Agron. Sustain. Dev 21, 29.

[36] Sarah Bell and Cristina Cerulli, ‘Emerging Community Food Production and Pathways For Urban Landscape Transitions’ (2012) 14(1) E:CO 31, 32.

[37] Cabannes, Yves and Isabel Raposo, ‘Peri-urban agriculture, social inclusion of migrant population and Right to the City: Practices in Lisbon and London’ (2013) 17(2) City 235, 241.

[38] James Petts, ‘Urban Agriculture in London’ (Urban Food Security Case Study, EUR/01/5026025, World Health Organisation, January 2001) 5.

[39] Ibid, 4.

[40] Hoi-Fei Mok et al, ‘Strawberry Fields Forever? Urban agriculture in developed countries: a review’ (2014) 34 Agron. Sustain. Dev 21, 28.

[41] T Garnett, ‘Urban agriculture in London: rethinking our food economy’ in N Bakker et al (eds), Growing Cities Growing Food: Urban Agriculture on the Policy Agenda (2000)

[42] E Audsley et al, ‘How low can we go? An assessment of greenhouse gas emissions from the UK food system and the scope to reduce them by 2050’ (2009) WWF-UK.

[43] James Petts, ‘Urban Agriculture in London’ (Urban Food Security Case Study, EUR/01/5026025, World Health Organisation, January 2001) 3.

[44] Ibid.

[45] Joseph McMahon, ‘Brexit, trade and agriculture’ (2018) 17(1)-(2) Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 19.

[46] Mayor of London, ‘The Draft London Food Strategy: Healthy and Sustainable Food for London’ (Consultation Document, Greater London Authority, April 2018) 5.

[47] Ibid.

[48] J Bell et al, ‘The effects of air pollution on urban ecosystems and agriculture’ (2011) 18(3) International Journal of Sustainable Development & World Ecology 226, 226.

[49] Michael Kulak et al, ‘Reducing greenhouse gas emissions with urban agriculture: A Life Cycle Assessment perspective’ (2013) Landscape and Urban Planning 68, 68.

[50] Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, Global Warming of 1.5 °C Special Report, 6 October 2018, available at <http://report.ipcc.ch/sr15/pdf/sr15_spm_final.pdf> (accessed 26 October 2018).

[51] Ibid.

[52] Sarah Bell and Cristina Cerulli, ‘Emerging Community Food Production and Pathways For Urban Landscape Transitions’ (2012) 14(1) E:CO 31, 33.

[53] Alison Rothwell et al, ‘Environmental performance of local food: trade-offs and implications for climate resilience in a developed city’ (2016) 114 Journal of Cleaner Production 420.

[54] Michael Kulak et al, ‘Reducing greenhouse gas emissions with urban agriculture: A Life Cycle Assessment Perspective’ (2013) Landscape and Urban Planning 68.

[55] Heather Okvat and Alex Zautra, ‘Community Gardening: A Parsimonious Path to Individual, Community, and Environmental Resilience’ (2011) 47(3)-(4) American Journal of Community Psychology 374, 380.

[56] FAO. 2011. Global food losses and food waste – Extent, causes and prevention. Rome.

[57] Susanne Thomaier et al, ‘Farming in and on urban buildings: Present practice and specific novelties of Zero-Acreage Farming (ZFarming)’ (2014) 30(1) Renewable Agriculture and Food Systems 43.

[58] David Mason and Ian Knowd, ‘The emergence of urban agriculture: Sydney, Australia’ (2010) 8(1)-(2) International Journal of Agricultural Sustainability 62, 64.

[59] Stephan Barthel et al, ‘Food and Green Space in Cities: A Resilience Lens on Gardens and Urban Environmental Movements’ (2015) 52(7) Urban Studies 1321.

[60] James Petts, ‘Urban Agriculture in London’ (Urban Food Security Case Study, EUR/01/5026025, World Health Organisation, January 2001) 3.

[61] Heather Okvat and Alex Zautra, ‘Community Gardening: A Parsimonious Path to Individual, Community, and Environmental Resilience’ (2011) 47(3)-(4) American Journal of Community Psychology 374, 381.

[62] Sarah Bell and Cristina Cerulli, ‘Emerging Community Food Production and Pathways For Urban Landscape Transitions’ (2012) 14(1) E:CO 31, 34.

[63] Heather Okvat and Alex Zautra, ‘Community Gardening: A Parsimonious Path to Individual, Community, and Environmental Resilience’ (2011) 47(3)-(4) American Journal of Community Psychology 374, 376.

[64] Ibid.

[65] Jane Dixon et al, ‘Functional foods and urban agriculture: two responses to climate change-related food insecurity’ (2009) 20(1)-(2) NSW Public Health Bulletin 14, 16; Jennifer Wolch et al, ‘Urban green space, public health, and environmental justice: The challenge of making cities ‘just green enough’ (2014)125 Landscape and Urban Planning 234, 235.

[66] J Merson et al, ‘The challenges to urban agriculture in the Sydney basin and lower Blue Mountains region of Australia’ (2011) 8 International Journal of Agricultural Sustainability 72.

[67] Sheila Golden, Urban Agriculture Impacts: Social, Health and Economic: a literature review (University of California Agriculture and Natural Resources, 2013) 13 <http://asi.ucdavis.edu/programs/sarep/publications/food-and-society/ualitreview-2013.pdf> .

[68] Fruzsina Gyertyán, Growing delight - The aesthetic dimension of urban gardening in Amsterdam (Masters Thesis, Wageningen University, 2014).

[69] Ibid, 5.

[70] Sheila Golden, Urban Agriculture Impacts: Social, Health and Economic: a literature review (University of California Agriculture and Natural Resources, 2013) 13 <http://asi.ucdavis.edu/programs/sarep/publications/food-and-society/ualitreview-2013.pdf> .

[71] Jerry Kaufman and Martin Bailkey, ‘Farming Inside Cities: Entrepreneurial Urban Agriculture in the United States’ (Working Paper, Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, WP00JK1, 2000) 54.

[72] J Merson et al, ‘The challenges to urban agriculture in the Sydney basin and lower Blue Mountains region of Australia’ (2011) 8 International Journal of Agricultural Sustainability 72

[73] Jerry Kaufman and Martin Bailkey, ‘Farming Inside Cities: Entrepreneurial Urban Agriculture in the United States’ (Working Paper, Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, WP00JK1, 2000) 57.

[74] Cathy Sherry, ‘Allotments and kleingarten: Legal lessons Australia can glean from the European tradition of urban farming’ (Paper presented at Food Governance Conference, The University of Sydney, 1-4 November 2016).

[75] Hoi-Fei Mok et al, ‘Strawberry Fields Forever? Urban agriculture in developed countries: a review’ (2014) 34 Agron. Sustain. Dev 21, 30.

[76] Alison Rothwell et al, ‘Environmental performance of local food: trade-offs and implications for climate resilience in a developed city’ (2016) 114 Journal of Cleaner Production 420, 427.

[77] Hoi-Fei Mok et al, ‘Strawberry Fields Forever? Urban agriculture in developed countries: a review’ (2014) 34 Agron. Sustain. Dev 21, 22.

[78] J Merson et al, ‘The challenges to urban agriculture in the Sydney basin and lower Blue Mountains region of Australia’ (2011) 8 International Journal of Agricultural Sustainability 72, 84.

[79] Hoi-Fei Mok et al, ‘Strawberry Fields Forever? Urban agriculture in developed countries: a review’ (2014) 34 Agron. Sustain. Dev 21, 22.


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